Over 14 million people live in Burundi, formally known as the Republic of Burundi, a landlocked nation in the Great Rift Valley at the intersection of Southeast Africa and the African Great Lakes area. It shares borders with the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west, Rwanda to the north, Tanzania to the east and southeast, and Lake Tanganyika to the southwest. Gitega serves as the capital, while Bujumbura is the major city.
For centuries, the Twa, Hutu, and Tutsi peoples have called Burundi home. This small East African nation, nestled between Rwanda and Tanzania, has a rich history marked by both peaceful periods and violent conflict.
Before European colonization, Burundi was an independent kingdom, governed by a Tutsi monarchy. However, in the late 19th century, it fell under German colonial rule. After World War I, Belgium took control of Burundi and Rwanda as a single territory. This colonial era sowed the seeds of ethnic division and tension, which would later explode into devastating violence.
Burundi gained independence in 1962, but the underlying ethnic tensions persisted. A series of coups and civil wars followed, with the Tutsi minority often dominating the government. One of the darkest chapters in Burundi’s history was the 1972 genocide, in which hundreds of thousands of Hutus were killed.
In the 1990s, a new hope emerged with the election of Melchior Ndadaye, Burundi’s first Hutu president. However, his assassination sparked a brutal civil war that lasted for over a decade. The conflict claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and displaced millions more.
In 2005, a new constitution was adopted, marking a significant step towards peace and reconciliation. However, challenges remain. The country continues to grapple with political instability, human rights abuses, and economic hardship. The dominant party, the CNDD-FDD, has been accused of authoritarian practices and suppressing dissent.
Despite these challenges, the people of Burundi remain resilient. They have endured decades of conflict and hardship, yet they continue to strive for peace, justice, and a better future. As Burundi continues to navigate the path towards lasting peace and prosperity, it is essential to remember the human cost of its tumultuous history and to work towards a more just and equitable society for all.
In 2019, just 13.4% of Burundi’s population lived in urban areas, indicating that the country is still mostly a rural society. Due to Burundi’s dense population, a large number of young people leave the country in quest of better prospects elsewhere. Less than 1% of people are Twa, 15% are Tutsi, and about 85% are of Hutu ethnic heritage. English, French, and Kirundi are Burundi’s official languages; Kirundi is officially acknowledged as the only national tongue. In 2014, English was designated as an official language.
Burundi, a small African nation, is a land of stunning natural beauty, with rolling hills and lush valleys. However, beneath its surface lies a country grappling with significant challenges.
A major concern is the widespread deforestation and soil erosion that have devastated the environment. This has led to a loss of biodiversity, increased vulnerability to climate change, and a decline in agricultural productivity. The country’s reliance on subsistence agriculture, coupled with poor soil quality and limited access to modern farming techniques, has contributed to widespread poverty and food insecurity.
Burundi is one of the world’s poorest countries, facing a host of social and economic problems. Corruption, instability, and authoritarianism have hindered development and limited opportunities for its citizens. The country’s low literacy rate and lack of access to education further perpetuate the cycle of poverty.
Despite these challenges, Burundi is a resilient nation with a rich cultural heritage. The people of Burundi are known for their warm hospitality, vibrant music, and traditional dances. The country is also home to a diverse range of wildlife, including primates, birds, and reptiles.
As Burundi strives to overcome its challenges, it is crucial to address issues such as deforestation, poverty, and corruption. By investing in sustainable development, education, and good governance, the country can build a brighter future for its people.
The origin of Burundi
The King of Urundi, who dominated the area beginning in the 16th century, is the namesake of modern-day Burundi. “Urundi” (meaning “Another one”) in the native Kirundi language is where it gets its name. By putting the letter “B” before it, the Belgian mandate to the Ruanda-Urundi area later came to call it and their former capital “Usumbura” of both kingdoms.
The past
Along with Rwanda, Burundi is one of the few nations in Africa (along with Botswana, Lesotho, and Eswatini) that is a direct geographical continuation of an African state from the pre-colonial era. The significance and characteristics of Burundi’s three main ethnic groups—the Twa, Hutu, and Tutsi—as well as the country’s early history are hotly contested among scholars.
Burundi’s Kingdom
The Burundian state was first mentioned in writing in the late 16th century, when it first appeared in the eastern foothills. It grew during the ensuing centuries, absorbing its smaller neighbors. A traditional monarch with several princes under him controlled the Kingdom of Burundi, also known as Urundi, in the Great Lakes area; succession disputes were frequent.
A royal elite (ganwa) led by the monarch, known as the mwami (literally, ruler), controlled the majority of the land and demanded tribute, or taxes, from the local farmers (mostly Hutus) and herders (mostly Tutsis). The Kingdom of Burundi was distinguished by its tributary economic transaction and hierarchical political power.
The establishment of the ubugabire, a patron-client system wherein the people obtained royal protection in return for tribute and land tenure, in the middle of the 18th century allowed the Tutsi dynasty to consolidate control over land, production, and distribution. At this point, the Tutsi-Banyaruguru comprised the royal court.
Compared to other pastoralists like the Tutsi-Hima, they were of a superior social standing. The Twa were at the very base of the pyramid, with the majority of the population being Hutu. But there was some mobility in the system. Because they were members of the aristocracy, certain Hutu individuals also had a voice in how the state operated.
There was more to the Hutu/Tutsi division than just ethnicity. Hutu farmers who succeeded in accumulating money and cattle were frequently given the superior social standing of Tutsis; some even succeeded in becoming close Ganwa advisors.
However, there have also been accounts of Tutsis losing all of their livestock, which led to their losing their superior status and being referred to as Hutus. Therefore, rather than being only an ethnic division, the Hutu-Tutsi divide was also a sociocultural one. Numerous accounts of Hutu-Tutsi marriages were also reported. Generally speaking, Burundi’s politics were determined by power conflicts and regional relations far more than by ethnicity.
Belgium and Germany’s dominance
The late 19th century marked a significant turning point in Burundi’s history, as the region became embroiled in the European colonial scramble for Africa. The German East Africa Company, a powerful German commercial enterprise, established a foothold in the region, exploiting its resources and exerting control over the local population.
To solidify its position, the German Empire intervened in local conflicts and established a formal colonial administration. Burundi, along with Rwanda, was incorporated into the German East Africa colony. The German colonial period was characterized by harsh policies, forced labor, and the exploitation of natural resources.
The German colonial legacy has had a lasting impact on Burundi’s social, economic, and political development. The imposition of a rigid social hierarchy, the suppression of indigenous cultures, and the exploitation of the region’s resources sowed the seeds of future conflict and instability.
The African Great Lakes region was significantly impacted by the East African Campaign during World War I. The German colony was attacked in concert by the allied powers’ Belgian and British colonial armies. The Belgian army’s numerical superiority prompted the German troops stationed in Burundi to withdraw, and by June 17, 1916, both Burundi and Rwanda were under Belgian occupation.
The British Lake Force and the Force Publique then launched an offensive to seize Tabora, the administrative hub of central German East Africa. Germany was compelled to give Belgium “control” over the western portion of the former German East Africa following the war, as stipulated in the Treaty of Versailles.
With Usumbura as its capital, Ruanda-Urundi—which included present-day Rwanda and Burundi—became a Belgian League of Nations mandate territory on October 20, 1924. Practically speaking, it was regarded as a component of the Belgian colonial empire. The presence of European powers did not stop Burundi, which was a part of Ruanda-Urundi, from maintaining its monarch line.
However, many of the kingdom’s institutions were kept in place by the Belgians; the Burundian monarchy managed to endure into the post-colonial era. Ruanda-Urundi was placed under Belgian administrative control as a United Nations Trust Territory after World War II. A number of initiatives throughout the 1940s led to splits across the nation.
The legislative branch of Burundi’s government was divided between the upper and lower chiefdoms on October 4, 1943. Lower sub-chiefdoms were created, and chiefdoms controlled the country. Native leaders also held authority. Belgium permitted the formation of political parties in the area in 1948. These groups helped Burundi become independent of Belgium on July 1, 1962.
Self-reliance
King Mwami Mwambutsa IV called for the collapse of the Ruanda-Urundi union and Burundi’s independence from Belgium on January 20, 1959. Political groups in Burundi started to push for the separation of Rwanda and Burundi as well as the termination of Belgian colonial authority in the months that followed. The Union for National Progress (UPRONA) was the earliest and biggest of these political parties.
The Rwandan Revolution and the ensuing instability and ethnic violence there had an impact on Burundi‘s drive for independence. Between 1959 and 1961, a large number of Rwandan Tutsi refugees came in Burundi as a result of the Rwandan Revolution.
On September 8, 1961, Burundi held its first elections, and Prince Louis Rwagasore’s multiethnic unification party, UPRONA, received slightly more than 80% of the vote. Burundi lost its most well-known and popular nationalist when Prince Rwagasore, 29, was slain on October 13, following the elections.
On July 1, 1962, the nation formally changed its name from Ruanda-Urundi to Burundi and declared its independence. Mwami Mwambutsa IV, the father of Prince Rwagasore, became the king of Burundi, establishing the country as a constitutional monarchy. Burundi became a member of the United Nations on September 18, 1962.
The seeds of Burundi’s long-lasting conflict were sown during the tumultuous period following independence. In the early 1960s, the country experienced a delicate balance of power between the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups. However, this balance was disrupted by a series of political events that ignited ethnic tensions and led to widespread violence.
The assassination of Prime Minister Pierre Ngendandumwe in 1965 was a pivotal moment. This tragic event, linked to regional geopolitical struggles, further polarized the Hutu and Tutsi communities. The subsequent political instability and power struggles culminated in a military coup in 1966, which ushered in a period of Tutsi-dominated rule.
The 1972 Burundian Genocide, a horrific episode in the country’s history, marked a low point. The Tutsi-dominated military brutally targeted the Hutu population, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. This genocide left deep scars on the nation and continues to cast a long shadow over Burundi’s future.
In July 1966, a coup overthrew King Mwambutsa, who had fled the kingdom following the October coup of 1965, and his adolescent son, Prince Ntare V, ascended to the throne. Another coup was taken out in November of the same year by then-Captain Michel Micombero, the Tutsi Prime Minister, who overthrew Ntare, ended the monarchy, and proclaimed the country a republic.
However, his one-party administration was really a military dictatorship. As president, Micombero gained the backing of the People’s Republic of China and became into a champion of African socialism. He severely suppressed Hutu militancy and established a strict law and order system.
Civil war and genocides
The 1972 Burundian Genocide was a horrific event that resulted in the systematic killing of hundreds of thousands of Hutus by the Tutsi-dominated government. The genocide was sparked by a series of events, including a failed Hutu-led rebellion and the return of King Ntare V.
In response to the Hutu rebellion, the Tutsi-led government launched a brutal crackdown, targeting Hutu civilians, intellectuals, and political leaders. The genocide was characterized by widespread killings, massacres, and the destruction of Hutu communities.
The exact number of victims remains unknown, but estimates range from 80,000 to 210,000. The genocide had a profound impact on Burundi’s society, leaving deep scars that continue to affect the country today. It exacerbated ethnic tensions, fueled political instability, and hindered the country’s development.
Micombero grew introverted and emotionally distressed after the genocide and civil war. A Tutsi named Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza overthrew Micombero in a bloodless revolution in 1976 and began advocating for reform. In 1981, his government crafted a new constitution that preserved Burundi’s one-party system. Bagaza was chosen head of state in August 1984. Bagaza repressed religious freedom and political opponents throughout his rule.
In 1987, a Tutsi named Major Pierre Buyoya deposed Bagaza, suspended the constitution, and disbanded political parties. He established a Military Committee for National Salvation (CSMN) and reinstituted military control.
Tutsi peasants were killed in August 1988 in the northern communes of Ntega and Marangara as a result of anti-Tutsi ethnic propaganda spread by the 1972 UBU’s remnants, who had reorganized as PALIPEHUTU in 1981. Some foreign NGOs [who?] felt that the government’s 5,000 death toll was an underestimation.
The severe retaliation of 1972 was not carried out by the new government. When it granted amnesty to those who had ordered, carried out, and claimed responsibility for the murders, it undermined its attempts to win over the population. Some analysts have referred to this time as the start of the “culture of impunity.” According to some scholars, the “culture of impunity” began in 1965 and 1972 when a few recognizable Hutus massacred large numbers of Tutsis.
Following the murders, a group of Hutu intellectuals addressed Pierre Buyoya an open letter requesting more Hutu participation in the government. They were taken into custody. A new cabinet with an equal number of Hutu and Tutsi ministers was appointed by Buyoya a few weeks later. Adrien Sibomana, a Hutu, was named Prime Minister by him. A commission was also established by Buyoya to deal with matters of national unity. A civil war broke out in 1992, despite the government’s creation of a new constitution that called for a multi-party system.
Between 1962 and 1993, Burundi’s several wars claimed an estimated 250,000 lives.
Two genocides have occurred in Burundi since its independence in 1962: the mass murder of Hutus by the Tutsi-dominated army in 1972 and the wholesale murder of Tutsis by the Hutu majority in 1993. The final report of the International Commission of Inquiry for Burundi, which was submitted to the UN Security Council in 2002, called both genocides.
The first democratic endeavor and conflict between the Hutu people and the Tutsi National Army
Melchior Ndadaye, the chairman of the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU), which is controlled by Hutus, won the country’s first democratic election in June 1993. He led a pro-Hutu government and became the first Hutu head of state. Even though he made an effort to bridge the nation’s acrimonious ethnic split, his reforms infuriated Tutsi-dominated army personnel, and after just three months in power, he was killed in October 1993 after a failed military coup. Hutu rebels and the Tutsi majority army engaged in ongoing warfare throughout the subsequent Burundian Civil War (1993–2005). In the years after the assassination, an estimated 300,000 people—mostly civilians—were slain.
Cyprien Ntaryamira (Hutu) was chosen president by the parliament in the beginning of 1994. In April 1994, he and Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, who is also Hutu, perished together when their jet was shot down. Rwanda became the destination of many refugees. In October 1994, Sylvestre Ntibantunganya (Hutu), the Speaker of Parliament, was named President.
Twelve of the thirteen parties established a coalition government. Violence erupted despite the averted widespread bloodbath. In Bujumbura, the capital at the time, some Hutu refugees were murdered. The Union for National Progress, which is mostly Tutsi, left the parliament and administration.
Through a coup d’etat, Pierre Buyoya (Tutsi) regained control in 1996. In 1998, he was sworn in as president by suspending the constitution. After serving as president from 1987 to 1993, he began his second term at this time. The government compelled a large portion of the populace to relocate to refugee camps in reaction to rebel attacks.
Long-term peace negotiations, mediated by South Africa, began during Buyoya’s tenure. In Pretoria, South Africa, and Arusha, Tanzania, both sides inked accords to share authority in Burundi. Planning for the agreements took four years.
The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, which was signed on August 28, 2000, called for the establishment of a transitional administration for Burundi. For five years, the transitional government was put on trial. A 2001 peace plan and power-sharing arrangement has been comparatively effective after many failed cease-fires.
The major Hutu rebel organization, CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy), and the Tutsi-controlled Burundian government negotiated a cease-fire in 2003.
Domitien Ndayizeye (Hutu), the head of FRODEBU, was elected president in 2003. Ethnic quotas were established in early 2005 to determine government jobs in Burundi. Elections for the president and parliament took place all year long.
Former rebel leader Pierre Nkurunziza (Hutu) was elected president in 2005. In an effort to restore peace, the Burundian government was in talks with the Palipehutu-National Liberation Forces (NLF), which are commanded by Hutus, as of 2008.
Peace accords
In response to a call for intervention in the humanitarian crisis by UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, African leaders initiated a series of peace negotiations between the warring factions. Former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere started the negotiations in 1995; Nelson Mandela of South Africa took over after his death. Presidents Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and Bill Clinton of the United States both contributed weight as the negotiations went on.
Track I mediations served as the format for the peace negotiations. This negotiation technique can be described as a type of diplomacy in which representatives of the government or intergovernmental organization use their good reputations, mediation, or the “carrot and stick” method to force or obtain an outcome, usually following the “win-lose” or “bargaining” models.
The major goal was to overcome the ethnic divide between the Tutsi and Hutu by substantially changing the Burundian military and administration. There were to be two main phases to it. A three-year term for the president would be the first step in the establishment of a transitional power-sharing administration. The second goal was to restructure the military such that all groups would have equal representation.
As seen by the length of the peace negotiations, the mediators and parties to the negotiations faced a number of challenges. First, the aims were seen as “unrealistic” by Burundian authorities, who also thought the pact was unclear, inconsistent, and confusing.
Second, and probably most significantly, the Burundians thought that without a cease-fire to go along with the treaty, it would be meaningless. Direct and independent negotiations with the rebel factions would be necessary for this. The primary Hutu party claimed to have been duped by the Tutsi in previous deals, thus they were dubious of the idea of a power-sharing administration.
Thirteen of the 19 warring Hutu and Tutsi factions signed the deal in 2000, together with the president of Burundi. There were still disagreements over who would lead the fledgling administration and when the truce would start.
Violence increased as a result of the hardline Hutu and Tutsi parties’ refusal to sign the agreement, which spoiled the peace negotiations. The president of Burundi and the major Hutu opposition party reached an agreement to terminate the violence three years later at an African leaders’ conference in Tanzania; those who signed were given cabinet positions in the government. Smaller Hutu militant organizations, like the Forces for National Liberation, continued to operate, however.
